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Blog by Sagiv Galai, Paralegal, ACLU Criminal Law Reform Project

In his 636 days in office, former Attorney General Jeff Sessions secured a legacy that has been described as “unprecedented” and “dark.” But Sessions’ unwavering actions against criminal justice reform may also earn another descriptor for his time in office: successful. Whether it’s civil asset forfeiture, sentencing, or police accountability, Jeff Sessions has reversed or hamstrung Obama-era policies at the Justice Department that sought to reform the nation’s criminal justice system. 

In July of 2017, Sessions restored the federal government’s full use of civil asset forfeiture, which allows state agents to seize property even if someone hasn’t been accused, much less convicted of a crime. Sessions revived the "federal adoption" loophole, reformed by former Attorney General Eric Holder, which allows local law enforcement agencies to circumvent more restrictive state forfeiture laws by partnering with the federal government.

In doing so, Sessions ignored the ways in which asset forfeiture has created a policing-for-profit paradox for police departments, which are always seeking more funding. In one of his speeches on the matter, Sessions insisted, “We need to send [a] clear message that crime does not pay.” But, as has been documented, poorly regulated asset forfeiture policies ensure that crime does pay — it pays law enforcement — which, as civil liberties organizations have proved, can be unconstitutional.

Sessions will also be remembered for instructing federal prosecutors to charge “the most serious readily provable offense.” By doing so, he rejected one of his predecessor’s major accomplishments, Holder’s advancement of sentencing reform that sought to focus on “individualized assessments” and shift “away from seeking mandatory minimums at record rates, while reserving stricter sentences for more serious offenders.”

In the context of the drug war, this meant restoring harsh Justice Department charging guidance for federal prosecutors that promote the use of mandatory minimums based on the quantity of drugs in the conspiracy, not the culpability of the individual defendant. Instead of winding down the “war on drugs,” these policies have only escalated it, with the damage disproportionately falling on communities of color in this country.  

Finally, Sessions’ will be remembered for expanding the impunity of local law enforcement. Not only did Sessions strip the Department of the tools that enable them to hold police accountable for unconstitutional practices, but he also trafficked in cynical demagoguery when he repeatedly blamed Chicago’s crime rate on the ACLU’s success in ending stop and frisk practices by the Chicago Police Department. And he even ended collaborative reform as it once existed, a voluntary program that allowed local police departments to get Justice Department assistance on a range of policing failures, including racial profiling and excessive use of force.

But there are examples of reform bubbling up from states and localities that demonstrate the disconnect between Sessions’ vision of justice and the growing consensus on criminal justice issues.   

First, Sessions was a mobilizing target, like in cities such as Los Angeles and Memphis. His explicit bigotry and unabashedly “traditional” understanding of the role of the Justice Department galvanized communities to fight against our nation’s top prosecutor and regressive criminal law policies more generally. In doing so, he provided a useful catalyst for movements seeking positive change, and after the recent midterm elections, politicians are apt to learnthat their career may hinge on whether they can address the need for reform.

Second, Sessions’ tough-on-crime hysteria added to the impetus of local movements who are fighting to protect their communities from the policies coming down from the federal government by electingprogressive reformers at the local level.

Third, while the swiftness with which Sessions expanded policies that fuel mass incarceration is daunting, it’s also a reminder that his policies can be undone. This may provide little comfort in light of the gravity of Sessions’ policy revisions, but we should remember that an attorney general’s memoranda and policy edicts could be far more tenuous than other reforms, such as ballot initiatives, legislation, and court decisions brought about through community organizing, public education, voter mobilization, and civil rights litigation.

To be clear, history won’t be kind to Jeff Sessions. Rather than provide leadership in making our criminal punishment system less bloated, less racist, less unaccountable, and more humane, Sessions seized an opportunity to sow fears across communities who have endured years of unconstitutional policing by increasing sentencing severity and government impunity. In reaction to Sessions, and in the long run, federal advocates and local activists must work to undo his policies by enacting and safeguarding long-lasting and broadly supported criminal justice reform.

 

Date

Monday, November 26, 2018 - 1:00pm

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Blog by Chase Strangio, Staff Attorney, ACLU LGBT & HIV Project

On Trans Day of Remembrance the trans community honors our dead. Too many names are read and remembered at vigils around the world marking the deaths of trans people who have been murdered during the year. This year is again on pace to be the deadliest year for transgender people in the United States. As of October, at least 22 trans people were killed, almost all of them women of color.

We look at their photos, say their names, light a candle and then, too often, we move on until we add a new name to the list.

Lethal violence against transgender people continues to escalate, but that is only one cause of death in our community. Existing data suggests that the life expectancy for trans women of color in the U.S. is somewhere in the mid-30’s. While many lose their lives because of individually perpetrated violence, many more die too soon because of restricted opportunities. Kicked out of homes or schools in their youth, subjected to employment and housing discrimination in adulthood, driven into the criminal legal system, and denied health care, trans people, particularly those of color, often face insurmountable barriers to survival.

Now, we remember our dead against the backdrop of a Trump administration driven to write us out of federal legal protections, eager to erase us. A month ago, The New York Times reported that a memo circulating across multiple federal agencies sought to excise transgender people from protection of the law.

We die because people don’t want us to live.

Remembrance is essential, but so too is action. We must, as artist Micah Bazant proclaimed in an adaptation of Mother Jones’ famous refrain, “honor our dead and fight like hell for the living.”

In this moment of ongoing crisis for our community, here are some concrete actions that can be taken for trans justice and survival.

Education. Since taking office, the Trump administration has argued that trans students should not be protected from discrimination under federal law. While the overwhelming majority of courts disagree and trans people remain protected under federal and constitutional law, trans students continue to face hostile conditions in school, leading many to be pushed out of secondary school altogether. Parents and educators can fight to create inclusive, supportive, and affirming environments for all students by including trans issues in curricula, implementing trans affirming policies, and ensuring that no student faces bullying or harassment.

Employment. Last month, the Trump administration told the Supreme Court that federal law prohibiting sex discrimination should not protect transgender workers. Though again, the overwhelming majority of courts disagree, discrimination against trans people persists. Employers and workers can fight to ensure that trans people are supported in the workplace and send a message that we are an essential part of the labor market that deserves the same protections available to all other workers. Check to make sure your workplace has policies prohibiting discrimination against LGBTQ people, including by affirmatively covering health care and ensuring access to restrooms for trans workers.

Arrest and Incarceration. Due to discrimination in housing, employment, and education, combined with family rejection, trans people face disproportionately high rates of involvement in the criminal legal system. Upon arrest, trans people are more likely to have bail set, but are less likely to be able to pay bail than cisgender people due to high rates of poverty and isolation from families of origin. Working to end mass incarceration, ending cash bail, and paying cash bail when set are critical steps to take in the fight to protect trans lives.

Immigration. The Trump administration’s attacks on immigrants affect many in the trans community who are fleeing violence in their birth countries. In the fight to end unconstitutional restrictions on asylum, including trans immigrants in the conversation is essential, as many face intersecting and compounded discrimination and trauma.

Connection. Connect with, believe, and see trans people. The community is demonized by fear-driven rhetoric that our lives and bodies pose threats to others. Yet we are here, existing and living our truths. Challenge your assumptions about what it means for us to live our truth. Ask yourself how you “really knew” your gender and consider that we, like you, just know who we are.

Creation. There is always more to be done. Watch your state legislatures for attacks on trans people. Disrupt anti-trans jokes or comments at your family holiday. Search your family history for the trans relatives who were erased. Do your research. Take on the burden so we don’t always have to.

Trans lives are on the line every day. Today, we remember those we have lost and urge a movement in defense of those who are still with us.

Date

Tuesday, November 20, 2018 - 2:15pm

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Blog by Mary Holper and Claire Valentin

In the face of the Trump administration’s stepped-up deportation efforts, officials in Boston and other progressive cities have declared their communities safe spaces for immigrants. But behind the scenes, progressive havens like Boston are facilitating the deportations of some of our most vulnerable young people.

As the federal government’s rhetoric and action around immigration have sharpened and hardened, young immigrants are being systematically slandered and deprived of their rights here in Massachusetts. Too many are inaccurately and unfairly alleged to be involved in gangs, according to a Boston Police Department database, and as a result, find themselves on the fast track to deportation.

There’s a lot we don’t know about Boston Police Department’s “gang database” — which is why this week, the ACLU of Massachusetts, the Children’s Law Center of Massachusetts, and other groups filed a public records lawsuit to bring some transparency to the system. Here’s what we do know: Being included in it can have dire consequences for a young person’s life.

We know the tragic impact gang violence has on communities where it occurs. In fact, many of our clients are youth who fled Central America to escape such horrific violence. But ironically, they are now being detained or deported back to that violence merely because of who they are, who they know, and even what they wear.

What is particularly troubling is that these Central American youth are being accused of gang membership using evidence no stronger than a house of cards. Without their knowledge, young people of color in Boston go about their lives, earning “points.” Police officials decide what “points” apply to whom. You might be thinking: If the police say my client is a gang member, he must be. But the way police assign “points” enables law enforcement to label people as gang members even if they’ve never been suspected of any wrongdoing.

One of our clients caught by the database’s arbitrary point system is a Salvadoran teenager who fled gang violence in his home country. In Massachusetts, law enforcement officials labeled him a gang member not because he was arrested for gang violence or suspected of engaging in it. Rather they labeled him that way because he was the victim of an assault at school. The crime committed against him cost him eight points. He was “verified” when he was seen leaving school with other supposedly "verified" gang members. If a youth is seen with a “verified” gang member — who could very well be another innocent kid arbitrarily labeled — that’s two points. If he’s seen again with the same person — even if they’re engaging in innocuous conduct like standing at a bus stop or crossing a park — that’s another two points. If he’s seen at school with a “verified” gang member, that’s five points — even if they are sitting at a lunch table because they’ve been assigned to work on a group project together. Wearing a Chicago Bull’s hat, a black rosary, or even a blue shirt — no matter that it’s his school uniform — could earn him four points. Once he reaches 10 points, he’s a “verified” gang member. The police enter his name into the Boston Regional Intelligence Center’s Gang Assessment Database, which is shared with other law enforcement agencies. 

Despite the fact that Boston has proclaimed itself a safe city for immigrants, the Boston Police Department is collaborating with Immigration and Customs Enforcement by making information in its “gang database” available to federal immigration authorities. That’s when we encounter the allegations: In immigration court, where a Department of Homeland Security prosecutor uses them as “evidence” that a client should be detained or deported. This system leads to false identifications. And in the immigration context, that has disastrous, life-altering consequences for some of the most vulnerable young people in Massachusetts.

Recently, a young client showed up to a meeting at our office wearing a Chicago Bulls hat, a four-point offense. Although the Bulls are one of the most popular basketball teams in the world, we had to advise him to stop wearing the hat. The client said he understood, paused, and then asked if his other hats were still okay to wear.

A sad thought crosses our minds when we have conversations like this with our clients: One way to protect them from being profiled, mislabeled by school police as gang members, and deported would be to advise them to stop attending school. Peer interactions can become the evidence against them in immigration court. In fact, it is hard to imagine how teenagers in neighborhoods that have a large population of Central American youth avoid being seen with “verified” gang members when there may be so many at their school, whose “verification” is unknown to them.

Boston aims to protect its immigrants. Every day in immigration court, we see how the gang database system undermines that promise for teenagers across the city.

Mary Holper is an Associate Clinical Professor at Boston College Law School and directs the law school’s Immigration Clinic. Claire Valentin is an attorney at the Children’s Law Center of Massachusetts.

Date

Wednesday, November 21, 2018 - 3:00pm

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