Blog by Jay Stanley, Senior Policy Analyst, ACLU Speech, Privacy, and Technology Project. Originally published in ACLU's Free Future

The New York Times on Monday ran an extensive article on how the locations of millions of American are being tracked by apps on their cell phones, bought and sold, and used for advertising and other commercial purposes.

Is your location data among them? Do you know for sure? Every time you visit a doctor, bar, Planned Parenthood clinic, or friend’s house, is some company storing the when, where, and with whom?

I was recently speaking about privacy before an audience of government officials who had just received a pitch from one of these location data companies. I asked everybody in the audience to put up their hands unless they were positive that data from their phone was not being collected. Nearly every hand went up. I then asked people to raise their hands if they had consciously given permission for such tracking. Almost every hand went down.

That is the problem. Worse, if companies are collecting and warehousing these mountains of data, the government could get access to it as well.

The Times story, appropriately headlined “Your Apps Know Where You Were Last Night,” featured one woman whose location trails, collected by apps on her phone without her knowledge, showed her traveling between her home and the school where she teaches. They also showed her visiting a Weight Watchers center, a doctor, and her ex-boyfriend’s home. Another location record accessed by the Times tracked someone from a home outside Newark to a Planned Parenthood clinic.

The current state of our privacy is unacceptable. As new technologies make ever more intimate levels of tracking feasible, companies are competing to exploit them as quickly as possible, with the only limits being what can be done, and inadequate examination of what should be done. As a result, American consumers are subject to a level of monitoring that has never before been experienced in the history of humanity — tracking that is more extensive than many understand and more intrusive than most are comfortable with.

The heart of the problem with tracking apps and the rest of our corrupted privacy regime is that it has been built around the concept of “notice and consent”: As long as a company includes a description of what it is doing somewhere in an arcane, lengthy, fine-print click-through “agreement,” and the consumer “agrees” — which they must do to utilize a service — then the company can argue that it has met its privacy obligations.

Our ecosystem of widespread privacy invasions has been allowed to fester based on the impossible legal fiction that consumers read and understand such agreements. The reality is that many consumers can’t possibly understand how their data is being used and abused, and they don’t have meaningful control when forced to choose between agreeing to turn over their data or not using a particular service.

Worse, technologists and academics have found that advertising companies “innovate” by altering their tracking technologies specifically to resist consumers’ attempts to defeat that tracking. This is done, for example, by using multiple identifiers that replicate each other, virus-like, when users attempt to delete them. Advertisers, the experts conclude, “use new, relatively unknown technologies to track people, specifically because consumers have not heard of these techniques. Furthermore, these technologies obviate choice mechanisms that consumers exercise.”

In short, not only is there no meaningful way for consumers to control how and when they are monitored online, companies are actively working to defeat consumer efforts to resist that monitoring. Currently, individuals who want privacy must attempt to win a technological arms race with the multi-billion dollar internet-advertising industry.

American consumers are not content with this state of affairs. Numerous polls show that the current system makes people profoundly uncomfortable.

What’s needed is privacy legislation that includes a meaningful “opt-in” baseline rule for the collection of any information. By “meaningful,” we mean, among other things, that care be taken not to allow it to degenerate back into the current “notice and consent” regime where consumers are forced to “agree” to arcane agreements that they cannot understand.

The advertising industry shouts that such protections for American consumers will “ruin the free internet.” But there is absolutely no reason that needs to be the case.

An ad-supported ecosystem of services can flourish without collecting massive quantities of data about individuals in secret and without their consent. Broadcast television stations were an extremely lucrative business throughout the second half of the 20th century, yet broadcasters were never privy to the intimate details of their audience members’ individual viewing habits. Insofar as television ads were targetable at all, it was not through “behavioral” targeting, but instead through good old-fashioned “contextual” targeting, in which ads are matched to the audiences that different shows attract. This is an effective means of targeting ads online, and one that is perfectly consistent with strong privacy protections. An advertiser that wants to reach golfers, for example, can place its ads on a site about golf or on pages returning the results for golf-related search terms.

Where ad-based services have been built upon ethically problematic, non-consensual monitoring of individuals’ private lives, that monitoring should be rolled back, just as the telemarketing industry was rolled back by the “do not call” registry. This has not stopped progress or innovation in healthier areas that benefit consumers more.

If we protect privacy and constrain behavioral advertising, ad budgets will not dry up, and ad-supported offerings will not wither away. Nor will innovation in online and offline services simply cease because the advertising industry has been proscribed from taking behavioral advertising to the next, even more intrusive, level.

These companies are exploiting the inevitable lag between the moment when people’s privacy has been stolen by technology and when they realize that it’s been stolen. But in the end, those gaps will close because people demand privacy. Strong privacy protections that block the kind of things reported on by The Times are entirely compatible with a robust and flourishing economy, online and off.

In fact, such protections will establish predictability and stability of expectations that will enhance consumer confidence, prosperity, and innovation.

 

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Wednesday, December 12, 2018 - 8:45am

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Blog by Charlotte Resing, Policy Analyst, Washington Legislative Office. Originally published in ACLU's Speak Freely.

It’s not often that you’ll find the ACLU on the same side of an issue as President Donald Trump. 

But in the waning days of the 115th Congress, lawmakers have the rare opportunity to show bipartisanship isn’t completely dead. For months, advocates and lawmakers have worked together to craft a criminal justice reform bill, known as the FIRST STEP Act, that enjoys broad support from the White House and members of Congress in both parties. 

Only one thing stands in the way of this piece of genuine bipartisan reform: Mitch McConnell. The Senate majority leader has complete and absolute power to bring the FIRST STEP Act to the floor for a vote. Thus far, he has chosen to stand in the way of essential reforms that will help ensure incarcerated people who have served their time have a second chance at life. 

So how did we get here? 

On Nov. 15, an updated version of the FIRST STEP Act was introduced in the Senate after the original version of the bill passed the House by a wide margin in May of this year. The ACLU and other civil rights organizations opposed the House version of the bill because it failed to address harsh sentencing laws, which are the pivotal drivers of mass incarceration on the federal level. 

Instead, the ACLU and other civil rights organizations continued to pressure the Senate to include federal sentencing reforms in its version of the legislation. Holding out seems to have led to improvements in the bill. The recent Senate version of the FIRST STEP Act, which we support, includes sentencing reform provisions that the ACLU and others have fought long and hard for. 

The legislation, however, is not without its problems. It does not retroactively apply its sentencing reform provisions to people convicted of anything other than crack convictions, it raises serious concerns that it could lead to unconstitutional government spending on religious programming, and the bill precludes individuals from benefiting from some provisions due to citizenship and immigration status. 

Nevertheless, the inclusion of concrete sentencing reforms in the Senate’s version of the FIRST STEP Act is an important improvement for advocates and directly impacted communities who have been fighting for sentencing reform for years. The provisions in this bill can directly improve the lives of people harmed by our broken criminal justice system. 

TELL YOUR SENATOR TO PASS CRIMINAL JUSTICE REFORMS

The United States continues to lead the world in the number of people it incarcerates with 2.1 million people in prisons and jails, more than 180,000 of them in federal prisons on any given day. Black, brown, and poor people bear most of the burden of this country’s distinct dishonor of being the world’s top incarcerator. The Senate version of the FIRST STEP Act includes a few of the sentencing reforms necessary to begin to address mass incarceration and prison overcrowding on the federal level. 

The new version of FIRST STEP would apply the Fair Sentencing Act of 2010, which reduced the disparity between the crack and powder cocaine sentences from a ratio of 100-to-1 to 18-to-1, retroactively to those sentenced before the law passed. This improvement would allow over 2,600 people the chance to be resentenced. 

Retroactivity is a vital part of any meaningful sentencing reform. Not only does it ensure that the changes we make to our criminal justice system benefit the people most impacted by it, but it’s also one of the keys to reducing mass incarceration. The federal prison population has fallen by over 38,000 people since 2013 thanks in large part to retroactive application of sentencing guidelines approved by the U.S. Sentencing Commission. 

The retroactivity of the Fair Sentencing Act is a hard-fought win for people in prison serving these sentences. Unfortunately, the FIRST STEP Act would not include retroactivity for the rest of its sentencing reforms, which minimizes its impact substantially. 

The new, Senate version of the FIRST STEP Act contains several other important reforms to sentencing laws that have bloated our federal prison population and added to the racial disparities in the system. The new language expands the “drug safety-valve,” giving judges the discretion to reject mandatory minimums for people convicted of drug offenses while reducing the mandatory minimums for other drug offenses.

It also eliminates the practice of “stacking” gun sentences from the same incident on the top of the sentence for a drug crime or crime of violence. “Stacking” has resulted in countless people serving long, draconian sentences. These reforms are truly first steps to reducing mass incarceration, but they won’t apply retroactively, leaving thousands of people in prison

With the addition of these sentencing reforms, the Senate version is a modest, but important move toward meaningful criminal justice reform. But the system will not truly be reformed until every person receives a fair and just sentencing regardless of when they were sentenced. The FIRST STEP Act, if passed, truly represents the first step on the road to a more just criminal justice system.

Sen. McConnell needs to stop the obstruction and allow the Senate to vote on the bill.

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Monday, December 3, 2018 - 5:00pm

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